Sunday, October 03, 2004

This blog was set up to get Adighas from all over the world to coordinate the realization of a political party. As part of the diaspora in the United States, a group of Adighas are in the process of registering with the United States Government a political party with its main goal concentrating on Adigha issues. The diaspora is in the midst of a drastic change of lifestyle with all the Elderly passing away and with them the language and khabza. With the passing of the elderly we as the next generation feel now homeless because we will be then consumed into foreign cultures.

If there are Adighas who want to pursue/support this cause please sign on to this blog and let us work together in bringing the people together.

76 Comments:

Anonymous Anonymous said...

Nationalism is a complex phenomenon that is not always immediately easy to grasp. It is a whole ideological viewpoint that affects all aspects of one's every day political, cultural, economic and social life. As Winston Churchill defines it, it is "...the ideological movement for the attainment and maintenance of autonomy, cohesion, and individuality for a social group, some of whose members conceive it to be an actual or potential nation." In accordance with this definition, it can be seen that virtually any activity taken on behalf of the nation (a social group) could be considered a "nationalistic act." Such things as writing poetry to spread the ideals of the nation, learning the historical dances of that nation, speaking in the historical language of that people, or engaging in politics on behalf of the nation's interests are all "nationalistic acts."

A nationalist argument is a political doctrine built upon three basic assertions:
1)There exists a nation with an explicit and peculiar character
2)The interests and values of this nation take priority over all other interests and values.
3)The nation must be as independent as possible. This usually requires at least attainment of political sovereignty.

In accordance with the above definitions, one can see that our own movement to ensure the survival of the Adigha culture is a nationalist movement. This is even more strikingly evident when one considers "Your race is your nation." This slogan is an obvious statement linking cultural and nationalistic arguments and ideals.

October 3, 2004 at 2:50 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Due to the urgency and the vulnarable situation we are in, we have to acknowledge priorities.
#1, that no matter what your believes are, as long as your adyghe allegiance is present...you would be welcome to participate in our political movement.
#2, The will to self commitment requires sacrefice that may vary in the form and purpose of such sacrifice, otherwise why bother?!
#3, The Homeland(s) should be the focus of our attention, to think of it as Home, it`s actually our last frontiers and most fertile to accept and continue the survival race of this nation.
#4, The preservation of our Adyghabze, no Language...simply means no culture! If the Diaspora Adyghas get their act together they can support the educational system in our Homelands, and never leave the financial part dependant on any other entity.

There are other important facts that that may require the participation of other adyghas, and that`s how I believe we shall participate and communicate.
Adyghe.

October 3, 2004 at 8:05 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

salam aluykom, shoi mafe sh'o !
I think the idea of establish an Adyghe party is very great idea because we need ( The Circassians) work with politics as many other nations.
We always were loving people but no onw helped us during the last 170 years , so we can help our self now.
But we need to encourge the new generations to do this and to develope this idea far away from extremisim.
sh'opsaw!

October 4, 2004 at 2:50 PM  
Blogger qanshaw said...

The only way of being as nation on this earth is to establish a political party, so go on Adyghas.

October 4, 2004 at 3:01 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

One of the sadest things in our lives as Adighas that for the past 200 years we failed as indivisuals and as people to understand the need to form A NATION!!. With a history that may be unparelled in depth,continuity,richness of human values that to this day perhaps the reason of our indivisual sucess,we still do not see that Adighas MUST emerge as A NATION .
WE only have few years left before total assimilation in forigon lands and the lost of our beloved ,but dieng Adigha Khabza,and our mother language away from our mtherland TO DO SOME THING!!!.INTERNATIONAL ADIGHA NATIONAL MOVEMENT IS THE ONLY WAY.PLEASE HURRY UP ADIGHAS WHEREVER YOU ARE

October 8, 2004 at 1:05 PM  
Blogger A. Xakozh said...

This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.

October 10, 2004 at 9:11 PM  
Blogger A. Xakozh said...

Adyghe kopxer, T`hem shui mafe shu yesh...,
I believe, for a nation to be able to continue marching in to the future, this nation must be aware of it`s own past, workout the problems of the present time, to be able to steer it`s own way into the future, because Our past, present and future are all interwined. Circassians have been victims of other imperial powers in the last 200 years, powers that contributed to our present demise, Tzarist and Soviet Russia, the Ottoman Empire and the Imperialist powers of Euroupe. It was a lethal combination of Russians interested in our Lands natural resources and stratigic position, and that of the Turks who were interested in the Human resource to be mobalized, used and abused Circassian men in their military ventures in eastern Euroupe, the Middle East and even in eastern Turkey. However, the imperialist powers in Euroupe at the time, such as Britain, Austria, France and Germany played deaf and dumb and turned a blind eye as they thought Russia is halting the Ottoman (Muslems) invasion to euroupe.
Unfortunately, living despersly in different countries, Circassian had to abide with the certain codes to ensure their own safe survival, not realising that those codes they are abiding with are also contributing to the erosion of their own native language and culture. The assimilation process took over and continues to strip our younger generations from their identity as Adyghas. In the Diaspora, the looming nightmare of our older generation departing this world is still not taken so seriously, with them gone...there goes the pity remnant of our language, and so we are in race with time to stop the ticking bomb of destroying our culture. I say this because I`m a believer in the language to be the spine that carries any culture...once the spine is broken, the culture would crumble.
That`s where I welcome and advocate for an Adigha National Party, a party that realises the pains and the horrors of our past, present and impending future...if we dont take the right actions...NOW!
The fact that we always maintained a low political profile in those so called Host countries in an effort to proof alegiance which in turn ensures safety and survival, is a fact that slowly slowly made us lose faith in our selves, that`s why I believe, serious attempts to generate a financial fund or any sense of Circassian National Identity was always easily compromised. The need of such a national fund to support our language, culture and identity is most demanding. Any nation would sacrifice life, finance, intellectual and laborious efforts for self determination, so why dont we all start to do so?!
Last but not least, our eyes and Hearts should always be focused on our Homeland States, focus on them as one country befor the division by Russia, maintain contact and support emotionally, financialy and most of all demographically to enhance the population and stop foriegn settlers to take over our Lands.
Zechemi...T`hem shui ghepsaw.
A. Xakozh

October 10, 2004 at 9:45 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Author: Z A Besler
School of Slavonic and East European Studies




Politics of Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Adygeya

Since the establishment of the new Russian state as a reformed asymmetric federation with the acceptance of Federal Constitution of 1993, a number of ethno-republics have come into limelight for the tensions within them between the titular and non-titular nations, such as Republics of Bashkortostan, North Ossetia-Alania, Adygeya and Tuva.

The language laws that put Russian and the language of the titular nation of the republic concerned on equal footing or the laws that are designed to lure members of the Diaspora of the titular nation to settle in the homeland to tilt the balance of demography to the advantage of the titular nation have created much controversy.

Among all these cases, Adygeya has attracted the greatest attention of the Russian national media as well as specialists in the Russian Caucasus. In addition to the notorious NTV news programme “Itogy (The Result)”, a number of articles have appeared in ‘Nezavisimaya Gazeta’ in the last few years that even accused the republican government of conducting an “apartheid policy ” towards the Russian majority .

This paper is aimed to explore the local politics in the Republic of Adygeya in the light of the local conditions of ethnic relations as well as the nationality policy of the federal centre in last decade.

Part I is to provide the necessary information on Adygeya and the history of its titular nation, the Adyge. This is essential if one wishes to understand the motives behind the strong desire on the part of the Adyge intelligentsia to continue with the Soviet ‘policy of positive discrimination towards the titular nation’ within the local political and legal realms even after the Soviet state collapsed.

Part II is concerned with the contentious issues and the political actors of the republican politics. In this regard, the role of the nationalist organisations the Adyge Xase and the Union of Slavs of Adygeya will be investigated.

In the last part the policies that Moscow should pursue with regard to “special cases” of ethnic relations within the Russian republics are studied.

PART I: REPUBLIC OF ADYGEYA AND THE ADYGE


Republic of Adygeya, extending from the foothills of the Caucasus Mountains to the Kuban Plain in the Northern Caucasus, lies landlocked in the middle of Krasnodar Krai . Adygeya, which is a small republic with 7800km2-land area, has no borders with any other North Caucasian republics. According to 1995 figures, the population of the republic is 541.000 of whom %22 are Adyge. The Russians and the other Eastern Slavs who make up %68 of the population are in absolute majority in Adygeya , making the republic the most “Russified” national unit of the whole Northern Caucasus. However, there are around 40.000 more Adyge living in the adjacent areas of Krasnodar Krai, apart from their ethnic kin the Cherkess, the Abaza and the Kabardians living further east.

Adygeya was founded as an autonomous region in 1922 and until it was upgraded to republican status in July 1991 it had been subordinate to Krasnodar Krai. Because of their co-existence for more than 50 years within the same administrative unit, there are close economical, cultural, historical and ethnic ties between Krasnodar and Adygeya both for the ethnic Adyge and the Russians including the local Cossack population.

The Northern Caucasus region as a whole is home to the poorest republics of the Russian Federation. Economically, the republic is one of the weakest among the Russian regions. In 1997, % 55.3 of the republican population was living below the poverty line, which made Adygeya 8th lowest ranking in the Federation. With the current growth trend persisting, it will take15 to 30 years for Adygeya to reach national average level of per capita GRP . However, among all the national republics of the Northern Caucasus, which has been for years the scene of ethnic conflicts, social instability and constant military operations, Adygeya, according to many socio-economical indicators, is the most economically developed and balanced republic. This is helped by the relative political and social stability on the republican level.

The Adyge are a subdivision of the Circassians along with the Cherkess of Karachai-Cherkessia, the Kabardians of Kabardino-Balkaria and the Shaupsough of the Lazarevsk region along the Black Sea Coast. The Circassian language, which is related to the Abkhaz of Abkhazia and the Abaza of Karachai-Cherkessia, is part of Northwest Caucasian language family and native to the Northern Caucasus.

The Circassians, as did the Chechens and the Dagestani peoples of Northeast Caucasus, fought with the tsarist Russian armies for more than 30 years in the 19th Century. Only the fall of Circassia in 1864 marked the end of the Caucasian War whose impact on the region and its people is still felt. The Russian conquest led to the exodus of almost % 90 of all Circassians to the Ottoman Empire. Today there is a Circassian Diaspora of around 3 million people in Turkey and the Middle East. Their lands were colonised by the Cossacks, Russians and other settlers and became modern Adygeya, Krasnodar and parts of Stavropol Krai. Today the bulk of the Slavic population of Adygeya are the descendants of these colonists.

During the Soviet rule, the Circassians, due to the Stalin’s ‘social engineering trials’, were divided into four categories as the Adyge, Cherkess, Kabardian and the Shapsough, which were placed in four different administrative units. “The historical injustice” of being dispersed as a result of the Russian imperialism of 19th Century and being divided and isolated by the Soviet policies became a powerful argument of the various Circassian nationalist organisations across the Northwest Caucasus in the Glasnost era. It is therefore not surprising that Adyge Xase, which has been an influential actor in the republican politics since the late 1980s, is one of the first nationalist organisations to emerge in the Northern Caucasus.


PART II: REPUBLICAN POLITICS: ‘MAJORITY OPPRESSED BY MINORITY’


The controversy surrounding the political developments in Adygeya since the upgrading of its status to republic in 1991 centres on the efforts of the Adyge intelligentsia to create conditions of positive discrimination for the Adyge minority and its language, which has long suffered from the imperialist conquest and colonisation of the 19th Century, in opposition to the wishes of the public organisations claiming to represent the interests of the Slavic majority to have a parliamentarian democracy in its classical form where the majority rules. In other words, where does the border lie between the notions of positive discrimination of a marginilized native population in the context of post-Soviet Russian Federation and the political and economical dominance of an ethnic minority, in a republic bearing its name, over the majority?

To be able to follow the republican politics in Adygeya, one must first identify the local political leadership and the other influential socio-political organisations, such as the Adyge Xase and the Union of Slavs of Adygeya.

Aslan Alievich Jarimov, an ethnic Adyge, has been president of Adygeya since its becoming a national republic in 1991. He had been the First Secretary of the Communist Party’s Regional Committee in Adygeya as well as being a People’s Deputy in the USSR between 1989-1991, representing Adygeya. He won two presidential elections, in 1992 and 1997. In the 1997 elections, when he competed against two other candidates of Adyge origin, he gained %57.88 of the valid votes. In the all-federation level politics, he is known to have been the supporter of Our Home is Russia and later Unity Movement, which was founded at the initiative of the regional leaders to stand together against the Moscow’s pressures on the regions and later united with the Fatherland Movement. He is a Soviet –era apparatchik such as Mintimer Shaimiev of Tatarstan and Murthaza Rakhimov of Bashkortostan who after the collapse of the Soviet Union have turned into regional leaders who challenge Moscow on the issues of the rights of the national republics vis-à-vis the Centre.

The Adyge Xase as an organisation is an all-Circassian nationalist movement with branches in the Republics of Karachai-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria and the Shapsough populated areas of the Krasnodar Krai. Although these branches are independent establishments, they are, however, part of the wider Circassian umbrella organisation the International Circassian Association (ICA), whose declared aim is to protect the rights of the Circassians wherever they live and to facilitate the return of the substantial portion of Circassian Diaspora to the Circassian inhabited lands of Northwest Caucasus to change the demographic structure where the Circassians constitute the minority of the population . Nevertheless there is a growing fear especially among the neighbouring peoples such as the Karachai, Balkars and the local Cossacks that the ICA’s undeclared aim is to carve a Greater Circassia out of the three republics. Although the Xase has lost considerable strength in Adygeya and Kabardino-Balkaria, it still is a very powerful public movement in the Republic of Karachai-Cherkessia, which it wants to break up into separate Circassian and Karachai national units.

In the early 1990s, the Adyge Xase was the most powerful opposition movement to the leaderships of the Jarimov, whom the Xase even labelled an enemy of the Adyge nation . However, once Adygeya was upgraded to republican status and the rights of the Adyge as the titular nation were enshrined in the republican constitution it became the staunch supporter of the president and the status quo, to the extent that its current chairmen Ruslan Peneshov has served in the successive republican governments under Jarimov’s presidency. The organisation’s major objective is to secure “positive discrimination” towards the Adyge and to lure the members of the large Circassian Diaspora to Adygeya so that the Adyge can become majority in the republic.

The Union of Slavs of Adygeya led by Boris Karataev and Nina Konovalova was created in 1991 as a counter-balance to the Adyge Xase but failed to gain much prominence. However in the early 1990s it categorically opposed to the separation of Adygeya from Krasnodar Krai and later to the upgrading of its status to a republic. At various times the Union advocated a referendum on the return of the Capitol City of the republic, Maikop, which is overwhelmingly inhabited by Russians, to Krasnodar Krai.

The main base of support for the Union of Slavs is the local Cossacks. The calls for the revival of the traditional Cossack paramilitary forces, which is seen by the Adyge as the embodiment of the oppression and the colonisation of the last century by the Tsarist Russia, have prompted a strong reaction from the local Adyge population.

The local branch of the Communist Party of Russia is another powerful political force in Adygeya. It enjoys the majority in the republican parliament and has two deputies in the federal state Duma. However its capacity in the local politics is limited and does not play a major role.

The most contentious issues of the local politics can be summarised as:

· The election law, which dictates that all presidential candidates must be fluent in the both official languages of the republic, namely Adyge and Russian

·The reluctance of the Union of the Slavs of Adygeya to recognise the special status of the Adyge as the titular nation of the republic which is the result of the Tsarist Imperialism in the history of the Northern Caucasus

· The way the electoral constituencies are defined (which ensures parity between the Russians and the minority Adyge)

· The local immigration law that grants special settlement and taxation rights to the persons of Circassian descent who desires to settle in Adygeya while the residency rights of the people of non-Adyge origin are tightly controlled and restricted,

>The dominance of the Adyge elite in the republican economy that was facilitated by the privatisation programs carried out by the Adyge leadership as part of the economic reforms in the early 1990s,

>The ‘unsubstantiated’ belief that is prevalent among the Russian nationalists in the Northern Caucasus that all Circassians are ‘conspiring’ to create a ‘Greater Circassia’ uniting all the Circassian inhabitant lands of Adygeya, Karachai-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria and parts of Krasnodar Krai, thus forming a greenbelt (Muslim) to surround the traditional Orthodox Slav regions of Krasnodar and Stavropol.

>The fact that the main base of support for the Union of Slavs is the local Cossacks makes the Adyge population uneasy about the real intention of this organisation. The calls made by some populist Russian politicians for the revival of the traditional Cossack paramilitary forces, which are seen by the Adyge as the embodiment of the oppression and the colonisation of the last century by the Tsarist Russia, are spreading fear among the Adyge that this would lead to the creation of an authoritarian society.


CONCLUSION

Despite all the criticism and the cries of ‘apartheid’ regime, the Republic of Adygeya has been an island of peace and relative stability in a region that has in the last decade seen armed conflicts in Chechnya, Abkhazia, North Ossetia, Daghestan; ethnic unrest in Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachai-Cherkessia, as well as an economic recession and a sharp increase in criminal activities affecting the whole federation.

In this paper, I have tried to draw attention to not what has happened in Adygeya after the collapse of Soviet Union but, on the contrary, to what has not occurred, which was expected to occur, that no major rallies or protest meetings have occurred in Adygeya for years and that there has been no talk of the Adyge Xase or the Union of Slavs creating paramilitary forces in preparation for a ‘coming’ conflict. Instead, multicultural dance and art festivals attended by the representatives of the Russians, the Adyge and the other peoples of the Northern Caucasus have been organised. President Jarimov’s every public speech has been addressed to “the multinational people of the Republic of Adygeya” not to the Adyge people, which is the sign of a new republican identity emerging against all the odds. Traditionally, the Adyge and the Russians have shared the governmental posts. The current Prime Minister and the chairman of the upper wing of the local parliament are Russians.

This new republican identity seems to be giving way to a new voting pattern in the new presidential election that takes place on 13 January 2002. For the first time since the foundation of Republic of Adygeya, candidates of different nationalities are participating in this presidential election regardless of their knowledge of Adyge language, which is the result of the suspension, for ten years, of the language law that dictates that the president must be bilingual in Adyge and the Russian.

Although the result of the election is far from being foregone, the local Adyge businessmen Khazret Sovmen, who owns gold mines in Krasnoyarsk in Siberia and is known in the whole of the federation as a philanthropist, is expected to win by gaining the support of the bulk of the population, Russian and Adyge alike, who have been suffering from the economic hardship for years and are ready to lay their hopes on his managerial skills, not on his ethnic background, to govern the republic. In this race, Union of Slavs leader Nina Konavalova and the incumbent President Aslan Jarimov are also taking part.

Moscow has not clarified its position on the Adygeya elections as yet. However, given the close relationship of Khazret Sovmen with some of the influential figures in Moscow, such as Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and the Russian Patriarch Alexei II and his other business contacts elsewhere, it would be logical to expect that Vladimir Putin would also welcome this outcome. This sort of outcome will also surpass the ethnic boundaries for some time to come.

In the long term, however, Moscow should take into account the local conditions of Northern Caucasus, especially the case of the Adyge’s ethnic kin, the Abkhaz and the war in Abkhazia in 1992-93 that has set an example of how a titular nation, that is made minority in its own country, can resist outside pressure to abolish the positive discrimination for the titular nation.

Only by allowing to remain intact the language law, that has a great symbolic meaning for the Adyge, and thus offering a incentive to the local Russians to learn the language of the titular nation, which may also pave the way for an Adyge speaker member of the Russian majority to become president can Moscow ensure that Adygeya can put aside its problems of ethnic character and instead concentrate on implementing economic reforms and creating a democratic, prosperous society.

7:47 PM
Anonymous said...
ETHNIC UNREST IN THE NORTHWEST CAUCASUS
BY ZEYNEL A. BESLENEY*

Although the Circassians' culture and way of life is, more or less, similar to that of the other North Caucasians', nonetheless in terms of the role of religion in the formation of national identity Islam is not as significant and important part of Circassian national identity as it is for the Chechens and the Dagestanis.
ttt
Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the North Caucasus has emerged as the most volatile area of the Russian Federation . (1) Apart from the large scale inter-communal armed conflict erupted in 1992 over a disputed territory between the Ossete and the Ingush, an all-out war in Chechnya which declared its secession from Russian Federation in the early 1990s between Russian Federal Forces and Chechen guerrillas is still going on.
There are other areas where tension between the ethnic groups is also running high. This paper is aimed to identify and explore the historical roots of the relatively less known ethnic and political problems brewing to erupt in the North West Caucasian Republics of the Russian Federation, namely the Republic of Adygea, Republic of Karachaevo- Cherkessia and the Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria.
In Part I, ethnic composition of these republics and histories of the Northwest Caucasian nations concerned will be discussed. Population figures of these states and a map of the region are provided.
Part II is aimed to explore the causes of the ethnic and political troubles that have haunted the region for so long.
TITULOR NATIONS OF THE NORTHWEST CAUCASIAN REPUBLICS
OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION
According to the both Soviet and post-Soviet terminology there are five titular nationalities in the three republics concerned that are the Adyge, Kabardians, Cherkess, Karachay and the Balkars. However, in cultural, linguistic and sociological terms, as well as in their own self-perception, it is possible to speak of the existence of two nations. They are the Circassians and the Karachay - Balkars.

In fact it was the Soviet policy of Divide et imperia! that has led to the fragmentation of these nations. This paper is of the opinion that only by narrowing down the artificial terminology one can comprehend the true nature of the identity politics in the Northwest Caucasus. Therefore, all the subdivisions of the Circassians (Adyge, Kabardians, Cherkess) will hereafter be studied under the same heading, as will be the Karachay and the Balkars.

THE CIRCASSIANS
The Circassians, who speak a language that is a member of Adyge-Abkhaz branch of Northwest Caucasian language family, are believed to have inhabited this part of the Caucasus from the time immemorial.(2) Until the second half of the 19th Century they occupied the territory that extends from the shores of the Black Sea to the River Terek and Sunzhi delta. Nevertheless archaeological and linguistic evidence supports the hypothesis that people speaking dialects ancestral to Circassian may have extended deep into the present area of Ukraine in prehistoric times. (3)

Historically, until the Russian conques , the Western Circassians lived in free tribal societies whereas the Eastern Circassians (mainly the modern day Kabardians) fashioned a highly stratified aristocratic society. Having survived the Mongolian, Khazar and Alan invasions throughout two millenniums they encountered with the Tsarist Russian Armies in the first half of the 19th Century. As all the other North Caucasian peoples they fiercely fought the Russian Army but were defeated and decimated by it in 1864. As a result of the Russian conquest, the overwhelming majority of the Circassians, around 1.200.0000, were forced to flee to the Ottoman lands of whom around 800.000 (4) survived the tragic exodus. Their descendants today comprise a sizeable Circassian Diaspora in Turkey and the Middle East.

The Circassians who had remained in the North Caucasus participated, with the other North Caucasian peoples, in the short-lived independent state of Mountaineers Republic of the North Caucasus formed in 1918,which became part of the new Soviet Union and was renamed the Soviet Mountain Republic in 1921. Within a few years the Mountain Republic disintegrated and the Circassians were divided into three categories as the Adyge (self designation in Circassian language), the Cherkess (name by which the Circassians by then had been called by the Turks and the Russians) and the Kabardians (name of the one of the biggest tribes of the Circassians). At various times during the Soviet period the Circassian inhabited lands were placed in the following administrative units;

1) Adygea Autonomous Oblast within Krasnadar Krai (separated from Cerkess AO, it later became the Republic of Adygea in the Russian Federation)
2) Cerkess Autonomous Oblast within Stavrapol Krai (first separated from then later in 1957 merged with the Karachay AO in Karachaevo-Cherkessia AO that later became the Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkessia in the Russian Federation)

3) Kabardin Soviet Socialist Autonomous Republic (existed between 1944-1957 later included the Balkars after their return from exile to become once again Kabardino-Balkaria Soviet Socialist Autonomous Republic within the RSSFR)

4) Shapsough National Ogrug (the Shapsough were a Circassian tribe and this national ogrug was abolished after the World War II.)

Although the Circassians' culture and way of life is, more or less, similar to that of the other North Caucasians', nonetheless in terms of the role of religion in the formation of national identity Islam is not as significant and important part of Circassian national identity as it is for the Chechens and the Dagestanis. The Russo-Circassian Wars of the 19th Century were not fought, on the whole, along the religious lines but rather on the part of the Circassians it was a national independence struggle (partly as an extension of highly idealised individual freedom). In many ways, after the Georgians and the Armenians, the Circassians came closest of all the Caucasian peoples to developing the prerequisites for nationhood even in the 19th Century. (5)

Today the Circassian nationalist organisations such as the Adyge Khase, Kabardian National Congress and the Union of World's Circassians organise their nationalist manifesto around the themes, such as the continuity of the scatteredness of the Circassian population and the demographic disadvantages of the Circassians in the republics they live. Establishing a close relationship with their ethnic kin, the Abkhaz, and supporting them in their "independence" war against Georgia also dominated the nationalist agenda throughout 1992-1994. Mass repatriation of the Diaspora Circassians and the unification of Circassian lands in one single republic within the Russian Federation are the objectives that were being pursued vigorously until recently. Nonetheless, since the beginning of the second half of the last decade the goal of establishing "Greater Circassia" seems to have been replaced by the appreciation that national interests are best served if the Circassians aim at acquiring more autonomy wherever they live.(6) Exception to this is that Adyge nationalist movement is the most powerful and popular in Karachaevo-Cherkessia from which it aims to secede to revive Cherkessian autonomy. As yet it failed to do so.
However the nationalists were partially successful in achieving some of their goals. Adygea Autonomous Oblast was upgraded to republican status in July 1991 and renamed Republic of Adygea. Also both in Adygea and Kabardino-Balkaria, the republican laws passed that gave the Circassian Diaspora constitutional rights to resettle in these republics.(7) The day May 21st has been designated in both republics as official mourning day for the Circassians who, in the last century, had to flee their homeland.

THE KARACHAY-BALKARS

The Karachay-Balkars who speak a Turkic language are believed to be the remnants of the Kipchak Turks who arrived in the Caucasus around 13th and 14th Centuries.(8) Since they inhabited the inaccessible areas of the northern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains, around the Mount Elbrus and Dombay, not much knowledge about them existed until the 19th Century. They, too, took part in the struggle against the Russian invasion and accordingly suffered from the consequences of the final defeat in 1864. A number of Karachays also fled to Turkey.

After the World War I they were a component of the independent state of Mountaineers' Republic of the North Caucasus, which was to become Soviet Mountain Republic in 1921. As a result of Soviet social engineering, the Karachay-Balkars were divided into two nationalities and the Karachays formed, with the Cerkess, Karachay-Balkar Autonomous Oblast within Stavropol Krai, which later split into separate Karachay and Cerkess National Oblasts, again, within the same Krai. The Balkars, however, were placed under the jurisdiction of Kabardino-Balkaria.

The single most important event that shaped the Karachay-Balkar national identity irreversibly took place during the World War II. They were accused by Stalin of collaboration with the invading German Nazi Armies and for this reason first the Karachays in November 1943 and Balkars in March 1944 were deported, along with the Chechens, Ingush, Volga Germans, Meskhetians, Kalymuks and the Crieman Tartars, to the steppes of Central Asia. Consequently the Karachay National Oblast and the Balkar part of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria were abolished. During the deportations they lost around one third to half of their numbers.(9) Their lands were incorporated into the neighbouring regions. Within a short time the terms Karachay and the Balkar were deleted from Soviet official terminology as though these peoples had never existed. Even after they were eventually allowed in 1957 to return to their homeland, following Khrushchev's condemnation of Stalin's actions at the 20th Communist Party Congress in 1956, human suffering and grievances caused by the deportations has never healed. Rehabilitation of their lands has, to this day, remained as a powerful element of the Karachay-Balkar nationalist discourse. (10)


During the Glasnost period there were calls in both Karachay region and Balkaria to unite in one Karachay-Balkar Republic but this initiative has never become a rallying point of the masses. Rather, the Karachay and the Balkars pressed to create their national units separately within the Russian Federation. However once it proved more problematic to realise these national projects than initially thought out, the Karachay elite opted against the division of their republic to hold on to the power it held in Karachaevo-Cherkessia. The previous head of the republic Vladimir Khubiyev, ethnic Karachay, ruled the republic for 19 years.


The Balkars organised a referendum in November 1991 calling for a separate Balkar Republic. However the central authorities rejected this intention. The Balkar National Congress proclaimed independence in 1996. The republic was on the verge of a civil war. Major violence was only averted by the actions of president of the republic Vladimir Kokov, a Kabardian, and by promotion of Sufian Beppayev, leader of the Balkar National Congress, to a senior governmental appointment to distribute federal compensation to the families of the deported Balkar.(11) Drive for separation lost its appeal further when a power-sharing agreement was adopted according to which the President would be Kabardian whereas the position of Prime Minister would be preserved for a Balkar. Since then, a relative calm has prevailed in the republic.

II- MOTIVES FOR ETHNIC UNREST BETWEEN THE CIRCASSIANS AND THE KARACHAY-BALKARS

Since the early 1990s through the transition from Soviet Union to the Russian Federation, the Northwest Caucasus has witnessed an increasing polarisation of these two national groups. On more than one occasion a large-scale civil war along ethnic lines seemed to be looming in both Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria. Since the presidential election that was held in the early 1999, in Karachaevo-Cherkessia there have been many street protests, attended by thousands of people, organised by the rival ethnic groups in support of their own candidate. Street clashes occurred daily. Cafes and shops were bombed.

So why did this picture emerge? The reasons for this outcome can be grouped as socio-economical, political, historical and psychological.
SOCIO-ECONOMICAL REASONS

The North Caucasus region is the least economically developed region of the Russian Federation. Republican economies of the region are heavily subsidised by Moscow. In 1997 according to households' purchasing power rate, out of 88 regions of the Russian Federation Karachaevo-Cherkessia ranked 79th and Kabardino-Balkaria 81st. (12)

Since the unemployment is rampant and economic assets of these republics are few, the power to control these assets and the flow of subsidies from Moscow to the republican budgets are of crucial importance. Thus rival politicians found themselves supported by their own ethnic group vigorously only to be in charge of the republican economies.

ROLE OF POLITICIANS AND THE POLITICS

The mayor of regional capital Cherkessk and a candidate in the presidential elections in Karachaevo-Cherkessia in 1999 Stanislav Derev, a Cherkess, was able to mobilise the Cherkess and the Abaza (a Circassian subgroup, politically allied with the Cherkess) in their thousands after he had been defeated in dubious circumstances by the Karachay candidate Vlademir Semenov for he owns the biggest beverage factory in the republic and employed around 5000 of the Cherkessk's mainly Russian,Cherkess and Abaza residents. Therefore an economic and ethnic dimension was added to his political struggle for power. He provides the financial backing for the Adyge Khase, Adyge nationalist movement.
Another example of how economics and personal interests may change the course of events in local politics in the North Caucasus is that many of the leaders of the Balkar National Congress also became loyal supporters of the republican ruling elite in Kabardino-Balkaria after gaining prominent positions within government to control the lucrative tourist business in the republic. This aroused suspicions as to how committed they were to their nationalist causes. (13)

HISTORICAL REASONS

As mentioned previously, the Soviet policy of dividing nations into two or more sub-nations and then forcing them to live within the same administrative unit with ethnically and culturally unrelated national groups is the single most important factor for the presence of deep ethno-political divisions and social unrest in the Northwest Caucasus. The Circassians already suffered from years of fighting during the tsarist Russia and majority of them fled their homelands. Their lands have been colonised and they have become a minority. The Circassians have never fully recovered from the tragedy of the 19th Century.
The Karachay -Balkars also went through the ordeal of deportations and suffered enormous destruction during the exile years. In Karachay's case their lands were taken away and they had to rebuild their lives from the scratch. Rather than living among their ethnic kin the Circassians and the Karachay-Balkars have been made to suffer from the historical injustice of being divided and marginalized in their own country. The resentmen,t which had been allowed to foster, exploded into open conflict as soon as the Communist state collapsed.

PSYCHOLOGICAL REASONS

"Never Again!" has recently become the national motto for the Circassians and the Karachay-Balkars. The psychological aspect of their hundreds of years of suffering from wars, deportations and exoduses which resulted in their becoming minority in their own countries has only added fuel to the fire of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkars nationalisms to create their own small enclaves where they could survive free from outside domination.

Otherwise no other logical explanation can be found to understand why in the early 1990s there were attempts to create five small republics in Karachaevo-Cherkessia. (14)

In the Caucasian context, numbers do matter. In both Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria the smaller nations were more eager to secede and form their own territorial unit, which are the Balkars and the Cherkess-Abaza. If the insecurity these smaller nations feel is not erased by political power sharing on the republican level then the possibility of a conflict to erupt mounts.

CONCLUSION

In the North Caucasus, fragmentation, rather than integration, is the prevailing trend.(15) Unless the central authorities in Moscow move to resolve the problems of the region within a wider perspective, which includes the possibility of redrawing the borders of the three republics with their consent or creating a federal republic made up by the Circassian and Karachay-Balkar regions, and develop a new understanding of the region's needs there is evidence to believe that new conflicts are inevitable in the Northwest Caucasus.
TABLE 1 *
ADYGEA KARACHAEVO-CHERKESSIA KABARDINO-BALKARIA
POPULATION: 541.000 POPULATION: 436.000 POPULATION: 790.000
Adyge %22 Karachai: %38 Kabardin % 48
Russian %68 Cherkess %10 Balkar % 9
Others %10 Russian %37 Russian % 32
Abaza % 7 Others % 11
Others % 8
*These 1995 population figures are taken from Robertson's Russia &Eurasia Facts &Figures Annual, volume 22,1997, pp 20-23 as cited in Anna Matveeva, The North Caucasus: Russia's Fragile Borderland, The Royal Institute Of International Affairs, London, 1999, p.82, 84,87.
THE BIBLIOGRAPHY:
I. Anna Matveeva, The North Caucasus: Russia's Fragile Borderland., London, The Royal Institute Of International Affairs ,1999.
II. Amjad Jaimoukha, A Handbook : The Circassians., London, The Curzon Publishing, 2001.
III. Paul B. Henze, Circassian Resistance to Russia in The North Caucasus Barrier., p.62-111. London, C. Hurst & Co., 1992.
IV. Ramazan Traho, Circassians' , Central Asian Survey, vol.10, no 1 / 2, pp, 1-63, 1991.
V. Ramazan Traho, Literature on Checheno- Ingushes and Karachay-Balkars', Caucasian Review, no.5, pp.79-96, 1957.
VI. Robert Conquest, The Nation Killers: the Soviet deportation of nationalities. Macmillan, 1970
VII. Sebastian Smith, Allah's Mountains: Politics and War in the Russian Caucasus., London, I. B. Taurus & Co Ltd, 1998.
VIII. Suzanne Goldenberg, Contested Borders in the Caucasus., Brussels, Vubpress-VUB University Press, 1996.

(1) Anna Matveeva, The North Caucasus: Russia's Fragile Borderland, The Royal Institute Of International Affairs, London, 1999,p.1.

(2) See Paul B Henze, Circassian Resistance to Russia in The North Caucasus Barrier ,Hurst & Company, London, 1992,p .67

(3) There is a city in Southeast Ukraine named Cerkassk. See W.E.D. Allen, Russian Embassies to the Georgian Kings (1589-1605), Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1970, Vol. I,p.24 cited in Paul B.Henze ,Circassian Resistance to Russia in the North Caucasus Barrier, Hurst & Company, London, 1992,p.67
(4) Various estimates range between 600.000 and 1.500.000(including a large number of Abkhaz and number of Chechen, Dagestani and Karachays).

(5) Henze, Circassian Resistance to Russia, p.67

(6) The author has at various times been members of these organisations and has therefore been able to follow closely the discussions from within the movement both in the Caucasus and in the Diaspora. Nevertheless, the debate can also be monitored in IWPR Caucasus Reporting Service No 43,44,46,48 at http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?caucasus_index.html

(7) In Adygea, the potential returnees are offered a free a plot of land to settle in.

(8) The Columbia Encyclopaedia, VI. Edition, which can be viewed at http://www.bartleby.com/65/ka/Karachay.html

(9) For a more accurate account of the deportations, see Robert Conquest's The Nation Killers: the Soviet deportation of nationalities. Macmillan, 1970.

(10) See the articles published throughout 1998 in the Karachayevo-Balkarski Mir, a local newspaper published and distributed in Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria, of the deputy leader of the Karachay nationalist organisation "Cemagat ( Society) " Kazbek Comayev.

(11) Matveeva, The North Caucasus: Russia's Fragile Borderland, p.88

(12) ibid., p. 57

(13) See the article by Khasen Laipanov, Trouble Brewing in the North in IWPR Weekly Report No.13, Jan 7th,2001 at www.iwpr.net/index.

(14) These are the Karachay, Cherkess, Abazinian , Battalpashinskaya and Urupso-Zelenchukskaya Republics. The last two were proclaimed by the Cossack movement.
(15) Matveeva, The North Caucasus: Russia's Fragile Borderland, p. 79.
*BY ZEYNEL A. BESLER (BESLENEY)
MA in RUSSIAN STUDIES
The School of Slavonic Studies,
University College London



Editor's Note: Our thanks are due to Mr.Besler(Besleney) for his kind permission to publish his article on our web site
© 2002 Agency Caucasus
http://www.kafkas.org.tr/english/TARIH/circassian_karachai_essay_.html

December 14, 2004 at 8:03 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Author: Z A Besleney
School of Slavonic and East European Studies

WRITINGS OF J. S BELL AND DAVID URQUHART AND THEIR IMPACT ON CIRCASSIAN HISTORIGRAPHY


Between 1829 and 1864, Circassia , in the Northern Caucasus, was the scene of the clashes of interest of the British and Russian Empires in the so called “Big Game of the 19th Century” to secure the possession and control of the Ottoman lands, India, Persia, and the Central Asia.

From 1834 to 1842, a string of British officers, diplomats and adventurous businessmen visited this Black Sea region, hitherto unknown to the British public and to the wider world. These men having stayed in the country wrote the memoirs and accounts of their visits on their return to the UK. It is their words that created in the British mass media and literature of the time an image of the Circassians, “a tiny ancient people whose epic resistance to the ever-expanding Russian Empire is the key to the security of the British interests in the region.”

In the first part of this paper, it is my intention to analyze the representation of the political and military institutions of the Circassians in the writings of D. Urquhart and J. S. Bell, which were the first to convey the “Circassian Question” to the British public, to arrive at a better understanding of the image created. The ethnographic dimension, except its political implications, lies outside the scope of this paper. Part II deals with the legacy of these publications and their enduring impact on the contemporary reading of the 19th Century Circassian history by the post-Soviet Circassian researchers and historians.

PART I: FREDOM FIGHTERS, POTENTIAL TRADE-PARTNERS, AND SAVIOURS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES: INTRODUCING THE CIRCASSIANS TO BRITAIN

D. Urquhart and J. S. Bell were not travelers or ethnographers. They were sent to Circassia by the British Government on a mission: to investigate the real military potential of the Circassians in engaging the Russian army and the economical benefits Britain could gain from a possible Circassian independence.

After his return from the three-week visit in 1834 to the western Circassia, Mr. Urquhart --an ardent Russophobe and Turcophile Scottish aristocrat, who, shortly after his return from Circassia, lost his job as the secretary to the British ambassador in Constantinople-- began to publish the journal Portfolio. This monthly quickly became the most influential diplomatic journal in the British capital. It also provided a window through which the Mr. Urquhart’s newly found “Circassian heroes” could be introduced to the British public. Fallowing the “Vixen” incident , the duo became the leading activists in publicizing the Circassian cause in Britain, organizing public meetings and collecting funds for the Circassians.

The major themes in Urquhart’s articles in the Portfolio were: the moral and political legitimacy of the recognition of Circassia’s independence; the rights of the British merchants to engage in trade with Circassia, and the geo-strategic and military importance of Circassia for the survival of the Ottoman Empire --thus for the long-term protection of the British possessions in and around the region.

To win over the British statesmen and the wider public on the above–mentioned arguments, Urquhart frequently attempted to appeal to the benevolent nature of the British state and society to offer assistance to the Circassians. Because to him, despite being, in terms of the socio-political structure of their society, in state of a rightful and honorable existence, the Circassians would not be able to withstand the Russian Army for much longer without outside help; however brave and freedom-loving they might be. In this argument, traces of British romanticism and its popular subject the “noble savage or nobility and innocence of the primitive/savage” may easily be detected, even though he never actually employed the term, “savage.”

Time and again, he wrote declarations and notices to the British Government and announcements to the British public on behalf of the Circassians. In one such declaration, the emphasis is on the fear of Russian encroachment on the British colonies:

“ …It was the interest of all [that] the Circassians should be supported. A hundred thousand Muscovite troops occupied now in fighting with Circassians, or watching and blockading us [the Circassians] will then be fighting with you. A hundred thousand men … will then be overrunning your rich plains, and enslaving your Rayas and yourselves.”

Of the importance of trade with Circassia, he was prophetic:

“When Circassia is saved, Russia is driven behind the Caucasus; then would a field be opened to commercial enterprise, not only important from the four or five million inhabitants…, moreover, it would bring, in its direct extension westward, the influence of England to the Caspian.

Urquhart seemed to have a scheme as to whom to target with his articles: independent merchants; the statesmen who were in opposition to Lord Palmerston’s the policies; those who feared the Russian expansion and its possible consequences; those who believed the reputation of the British Empire was at stake with regards to the actions of Russia in Circassia, and the members of the public who were more receptive to the narratives of the “heroic resistance of a little country to the barbaric Russian aggression”. Thus, every volume of the Portfolio contained one or more articles aimed at those targeted.

J. S. Bell, meanwhile, was aware of the possible impact of the accounts of the other, mainly Baltic German and Russian, travelers in which the Circassians were typically portrayed as “wild savages who have no notion of modern governance”, and intended to woo those who were disillusioned with the “corrupt and out-of-touch” nature of the British political life by attempting to compare the simplicity and honesty, which, he believed, prevailed in the Circassian political life in their national parliament, with the intrigues, deception and dishonesty which, to him, were the characteristics of those politicians in the current British government:

“The time has come for the parliament in Britain to measure up to the Circassian parliament ”Khase”. It is only then that a minister could realize his future lies not in parliamentary majority his party may command but in his honesty and consistency of his actions.”

It must be remembered that this was 1830’s; the era of immense scientific and public interest in the exploration of the communities, tribes and societies of the Orient and of the other hitherto unknown parts of the world. Opinions varied over how progress should be achieved in those, more or less, backward societies: should it be by forcible intrusion and imposition of a more developed civilization –-in this case the Russian civilization-- or by helping them modernize their already-existing social and governmental institutions, free of foreign domination but with the assistance of the civilized world –in this case represented by Britain? It was against this background that amongst the American Indians, the newly found tribes of Africa, and the aborigines of Java or Australia, J. S. Bell wanted to coin a favorable status for the Circassians in the British public consciousness by portraying the Circassian political institutions as more uncorrupt and efficient. The logic is understandable: it would undoubtedly be easier to seek support on behalf of a nation in possession of such institutions, thus qualifying for and deserving such support.

Perhaps it is the same consideration that led Urquhart to omit any mention of slavery in the Circassian society as an ancient institution, which, conversely, intrigued and appalled almost every other contemporary traveler who had been to Circassia. Although Bell was unreservedly candid about the existence of the slave class in Circassia and made every attempt to register his opposition to it, Urquhart must have realized that while the Atlantic slave trade was being abolished by the British in a moral crusade against the slavery, any reference to the Circassian slavery would help the Russian propaganda rather than the Circassian cause, whatever his position on the subject might be.


PART II: REACTIONS TO URQUHART AND BELL AND THE CIRCASSIAN HISTORIGRAPHY

From the day of their publication, the Urquhart and Bell’s writings have generated mixed reactions. One would be tempted to assume that the men of the Enlightenment; the liberals, the supporters of the Circassian cause, the revolutionaries, and the opponents of the Russian Imperialism --or indeed of any other imperialism-- would have rallied around Urquhart and Bell and held their words in high esteem. However, this was not the case. The accusation of distorting the actual state of the Circassian society with its all aspects can hardly be considered ambiguous in the words of the German traveler M. Wagner, who visited Circassia in 1848:

“Great mistrust is to be entertained while perusing the works of the English writers, who, such as Bell and Urquhart, have, it is true, personally known the Thcherkesses (Circassians-AN); but who, through party-spirit, have, as much as they could interpreted, in favor of the Circassians, what they have seen and heard, and have prudently omitted many things unfavorable to them”

Neither the Russian liberal Ivan Golovin nor the revolutionary Karl Marx found their works reliable, despite their ethical stance and support for the Circassian resistance to the Russian invasion and rejecting the concept of Russian Messianism -a divine assignment to bring civilization to the mountaineers of the Caucasus. “ He [D. Urquhart] clings to the individuality and particular characteristics of peoples. In his eyes, therefore, the Jews, the Gypsies, the Spaniards and the Mohammedans, including the Circassians, are the four finest peoples, as they have not been tainted by the vulgarism of Paris and London,” Marx would have commented.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the interest in the non-Soviet historiographies of the Caucasian peoples has re-emerged. Since then, the Circassian intellectuals, both in the Caucasus and Diaspora, have been searching frantically for clues as regards the events of the 19th Century Russo-Caucasian Wars. Since the Circassian language only became a written language in the 1920s no indigenous archives in Circassian had previously existed. In addition, all the letters and the minutes of the meetings of national importance and the diaries of the Circassian notables were all but destroyed during the mass deportation of the Circassians to the Ottoman lands in 1864. The available Russian records are considered rich and extensive but partial in essence and tainted by the Russian Orientalism. This has diverted Circassian researchers attention to the British resources in their quest for more data and records dealing with the 19th Century.

Some of the Urquhart’s later articles were translated into Turkish in 1992 in a single volume for the consumption of the large Circassian Diaspora in Turkey. This was followed by the publication of “Cerkes Soykirimi (The Circassian Genocide)” by H. and A. Kasumov in Russian in 1992 and its subsequent translation into Turkish, in which Kasumovs based their revisionist position towards the Circassian history of the 19th Century on the writings of Urquhart and Bell’s. The Bell’s memoirs were translated into Turkish in 1998. A number of other travel-writings, British military, state, and parliamentary documents are also currently being translated into Turkish and then into Circassian.

It would not be an exaggeration to claim that these publications, even after a lapse of one hundred and fifty years, are having a tremendous impact on the “historical journeys” undertaken by the soul-searching Circassian researchers into the 19th Century. This is, however, not to say that they all support the activities of the two men in Circassia or endorse the way the Circassians were represented in their texts. But the majority are more critical of their acts that created “false hopes of imminent British military and political aid in the hearts and minds of the Circassians, whom they betrayed in pursue of their own personal gain in trade and status resulting in prolonging of a futile war with catastrophic consequences for the Circassians” than the picture of the Circassians drawn in their writings.

The intensity of the criticism that has been laid over the years against Urquhart and Bell varies significantly in the Caucasus and Diaspora. Until recently, the writers in the Caucasus tended to have been under the influence of the pre-Soviet and Soviet official view that regarded Urquhart and Bell as merely the agents of the British and Ottoman imperialism and that they intended by their publications to undermine the attempts to find peace between the Caucasians and Russians.

This point of view may be a product of the precariousness of the current political climate and the desire not to antagonize the Russian nationalists residing in the Circassian republics of the Northern Caucasus. However, those of the Diaspora writers are generally inclined to be more daringly anti-Russian in their outlook and therefore more sympathetic to Urquhart and Bell. Although they may acquiesce with the “false hopes” argument, they nonetheless do not blame Bell and Urquhart to be insincere in their attempts to help publicize the Caucasian cause or to have a hidden agenda in favor of a possible colonization of Circassia by the British. Nor do they accuse them of causing to prolong the “futile” war and the ensuing humanitarian catastrophe. The “fact” that “David Urquhart put his heart in the Caucasian cause” is widely acknowledged.

Understandably, a certain level of gratitude and sympathy for Urquhart, Bell and, in fact, for many other British writers of the time is ever present amongst the Circassian researchers for “they have left an invaluable portrayal not only of the Russo-Circassian Wars but also of the socio-political structure of the 19th Century Circassian society.” It appears that due to the hunger for the discovery of the unknown national past, the mere existence of any recorded material on it is more crucial to Circassian intellectuals than the objectivity and reflectiveness of the texts’ actual content.

THE CONCLUSION:

The books and articles by Urquhart and Bell have recently become the cornerstone of the now flourishing Circassian historiography. It is obviously a consequence, as mentioned before, of the poverty of alternative sources on the 19th Century Caucasus. The significance of these writings stems from their multipurpose nature: they offer an insight into the ethnographic as well as military and politic state of Circassia of the era.

What sets the accounts of the British writers apart from that of the German, Russian and even the French ones is that the Britons did not travel in the Caucasus with the permission and under the guidance of the Russian authorities. Unlike Klaproth, Wagner and Dumas who were deliberately kept away from the natives and who often chose to listen to the stories of the Russian officers and the Circassians working for the Russian Army, they were under no obligation or expectation to draw a picture of Circassia that would have had to be endorsed by their hosts. In this sense, they were better placed to reflect the situation on the ground.

However, it is equally true that they might have felt the psychological pressure of the Circassian personalities, with whom they were acquainted with, depending on the nature of the personal rapports they had with them. Even if that is so, it does not lessen the intellectual and reflective value of these records as alternative source of data to others provided that the possibility of distortions, sentimental observations and deliberate omissions are also taken into account.

December 14, 2004 at 8:11 PM  
Anonymous Iyad Youghar said...

circassian nationalizm,it seems,will hopefully gain real momentum soon.as such happens we must remember and idealize Adigha pioneers in nationalizm such as AMIN SAMKOUGH . In tribute to him and all others ,in the past ,in the presnt and the future travling on this,lonley but glorious, path of national identity ,I would like to share this 19th century
Circassian Melody chanted in chorus by Adigha cavalry marching through the gorges of motherland:

Raise,oh raise,the banner high
Arm! arm all,all Adighas
Guard the valley,guard the hill!
Hearth and home,farewell,farewll !

We will dare the batttle strife,
We will gladly peril life;
Death or liberty is the cry!
Win the day,or nobly die !

Who would fly when danger calls?
Freemen's souls are freedom's walls!
Heavn receives alone the brave-
Angeles guard the patriot's grave!

Beats there ,hear a traitor's heart,
Duped by wily Muscov art,
Who his land for gold would sell?
Let him die,or childless live!

Hark!oh hark!the cannons roar!
Foe meets foe,to part no more!
Quail,ye slaves,'neath freeman's
glance!
Victory is ours !- ADVACE! ADVANCE!

February 19, 2005 at 3:26 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

The only way to success is to swalow the pain and the loss and UNITE as one huge Nation Of Muslims For the improvement of the whole world .We stand for Truth for Justice and for Peace.We also stand for Civilization and Beauty and Tolorance. WE stand For healing,and extending our hands to every one Enemies befor Friends. Nationalism is not an Islamic term.It divides and rejects our true Adyghan people died and now they are only being asked about their religion lets not waste our lives in building Nationalism and corupt our souls lets build our relation with Allah the only Truth .lets pray .lets show every one the Moral superiority of Islam. What a true Charectered person looks likeperson looks like.

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